Back in the 80’s when I was still in secondary school, during the course of our history lessons, a special tutor was bought in to teach us about the transatlantic slave trade, a period of 400 years in which millions of Africans were shipped to America and the Caribbean islands, a time of great inhumanity and horrific suffering, during which millions of Africans lost their lives By the time the tutor had finished teaching us, it was almost possible to have more sympathy for the enslavers and plantation owners than for the slaves. With the exception of that special teaching on the slave trade and another short segment on the American civil rights movement with a brief input on Martin Luther King and a even briefer input on Malcolm X, didn’t want anyone getting too radical now, we were taught precious little on the history of people of African blood in the world Whilst great focus was given to the contributions of various empires and races to building this modern world, I was left wondering what the contributions of my people were, surely there was something else other than the slave trade and civil rights movement that gave us definition historically
I had heard of Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana, formerly known as the Gold Coast and the man responsible for the independence of that nation. On recently reading’ Kwame Nkrumah, an Autobiography’ by June Milne and The Conakry Years, a chronicle of his life through his letters written after his government was overthrown in a coup in 1966 and during his exile in Guinea, I was left pondering why the life and times of people like this man, often described as ‘The Greatest African’ are not given greater focus in the general historical curriculum. I was amazed to see the changes and developments this great man of vision was trying to bring to the African continent and to African unity before I was even born.
Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah was born in 1909 in Nkroful, Western Ghana. The term Osagyefo meaning redeemer was given to him by his people in dedication to the work he done in and for the people of Ghana.
Kwame Nkrumah was the only child of his mother although he had other siblings by his father, when young he complained to his mother of being an only child, he was told ‘You see the big trees in the forest? They stand alone.’ Little did his mother know how prophetic her words would become in the future life her son was to lead as one of Africa’s greatest leaders.
Nkrumah first entered politics as the general secretary of the United Gold Coast convention (UGCC) in 1947, breaking way to form his party, the Convention Peoples Party (CPP) in 1949, its motto ‘Forward Ever, Backward Never.’
His biggest initial aspiration was to win independence for his country from Britain, he stated ‘I have often been accused of pursuing the impossible but I cannot believe in the impossibility of attaining African freedom’
To achieve this he implemented a strategy of positive action towards this goal which included political agitation, newspaper and educational campaigns, constitutional application of strikes, boycotts and non co-operation. For this he was arrested and charged in Jan 1950 for inciting people to strike and sentenced to two years imprisonment He was given a further year to run concurrently for sedition. He served 14 months of his three year sentence. In 1951 whilst Nkrumah was prison the CPP won the national elections with a resounding victory, as leader of the CPP Nkrumah was released and invited by the then governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke to form a government with the position to be ‘bogus and fraudulent’ but as leader of the predominant party but allowed it so it could be a stepping stone to total African governance. Due to pressure on the British government by 5th March 1952 the position of Leader of Government Business was dissolved and Nkrumah was re-instated as the Prime Minister, making him the first African to hold this position.
On 10th July 1953 Nkrumah introduced into the Legislative Assembly, the Motion of Destiny, calling upon Britain to make arrangements for independence stating ‘if there is to be a criterion of people’s preparedness for self government, then I say it is their readiness to assume the responsibility of ruling themselves for who but a people themselves can say when they are prepared.’
Britain heeded the demand for independence but called for another election in 1954, once again the CPP won power with a massive majority, despite promises however independence was still being stalled by political and party disagreements. In 1956 the British government announced yet another general election should be held and stated ‘If a general election is held, her majesties government will be ready to accept a motion calling for independence within the commonwealth passed by a reasonable majority and then to declare a firm date for attainment of this purpose.’
The CPP manifesto for the forthcoming election was summed up in seventeen short words, ‘Do I want independence in my lifetime? Or do I want to revert to feudalism and imperialism? Nkrumah wanted to stick to that one outstanding issue, pointing out at mass rallies that this was no ordinary election and the future of the country was at stake. The 1956 election brought yet another resounding victory for the CPP, winning them eighty two percent of the total votes cast.
Finally and at long last on the 18th September 1956 amongst great jubilation, the news was given to the Assembly by Nkrumah that the date for independence had been set for the 6th March 1957. By this stage of ghana’s history it would have been 113 years since the Bond of 1844 which ahd led to the British colonial government of the Gold Coast.
At midnight on the 6th of march 1957 outside the Assembly building the Union Jack was lowered and the new red, green and gold flag of Ghana was raised Nkrumah then proceeded to the polo ground where tens of thousands had gathered along with representatives of 56 countries On the podium, Nkrumah stood side by side with his CPP founders, A.Casely-Hayford, Minister of Communications, Kojo Botsio, Minister of Trade and Labour and AK Gbedemah, Minister of Finance.
Kwame Nkrumah at 48 had achieved his first and most important political goal, the independence of his beloved Ghana, he stood to speak to roaring applause,
‘At long last the battle has ended, and thus Ghana your beloved country is free for ever. We shall no longer go back to sleep. Today from now on, there is a new African in the world. Above all there remains the need to re-dedicate ourselves in the struggle to emancipate other countries in Africa, for our independence is totally meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.’
Nkrumah saw independence however not as an end of an attainment of a political goal but as very much the beginning. He hoped an independent Ghanaian state would be a beacon of hope for the rest of the African continent. He acknowledged there was a great deal of work still to be done but said ‘Those who judge us merely by the heights we have achieved, would do well to remember the depths from which we started’
Right from the start of the CPP government in 1951, foundations had been laid for the creation of a modern state, a network of roads considered to be among the most modern in Africa were constructed. Houses, schools, colleges, hospitals and clinics were built. Piped water supplies were provided to villages, new industries were developed and existing ones built upon. Two cocoa-processing plants were built, sugar refineries, a textile printing plant, a glass factory, a chocolate factory, a radio assembly plant, a meat processing plant and printing works in Tema were established. There was advanced work implemented on a gold refinery at Tarkwa, new work started on asbestos, cement, shoe and rubber tyre factories in Kumasi and a factory for the manufacture of prefabricated houses.
In the first seven years of the development plan alone 489 million pounds was spent on new development projects.
In terms of education the CPP government made all education from primary to university level free, along with all student textbooks provided free of charge.
Nkrumah wanted to bring industrialisation to his nation in order to standardise and bring it up to date with the rest of the world. The CPP government planned to establish industries which would be large consumers of power and for which raw materials would be locally available. Other industries would be established which could utilise cash crops and provide employment in rural areas Lighter industries were to be set up for the production of such goods as textiles, shoes, clothing and furniture. For all of these programmes of industrialisation, massive amounts of hydro-electric power had to be provided which was the purpose of the Volta River Project, which was also to provide enough electrical power for the whole of Ghana.
Nkrumah on addressing the issues of the proposed Volta Dam Project stated ‘Our continent certainly exceeds all the others in potential hydro electric power, which some experts assess as 42% of the worlds total. What we need is there for us to remain hewer of wood and drawers of water for the industrialised areas of the world.’
Nkrumah had a vision for Ghana and Africa, whereby its own resources would be used to uplift the continent and its citizens, he said in 1962,
‘All stock exchanges in the world are pre-occupied with Africa’s gold, diamonds, uranium, platinum, copper and iron ores. Our capital flows out in streams to irrigate the whole system of Western economy. Africa provides more than 60% of the worlds gold. A great deal of the uranium for nuclear power, of copper for elections, of titanium for supersonic projectiles, of iron and steel for heavy industries, of other mineral and raw materials for lighter industries, the basic economic might of the foreign powers comes from our continent. Experts have estimated that the Congo basin alone can produce enough food crops to satisfy the requirements of nearly half the population of the whole world.’
Nkrumah strived to make the separate countries of the continent into one community as he knew an united continent would be the best strategy for the progress of individual countries and its citizens For this purpose, he called other independent African nations to form the Organisation For African Unity (OAU ) in 1961.
He said in his address to the conference of African heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa on the 24th May 1966 on the eve of the foundation of the OAU, ‘We have been too busy nursing our separate states to understand fully the basic need of our union rooted in common purpose, common planning and common endeavour.’
He said of his plans under the OAU for a united African continent,
‘We shall accumulate machinery and establish steel works, iron foundries and factories, we shall link the various states of our continent with communications by land, sea and air. We shall cable from one place to another, phone from one place to the other and astound the world with our hydro-electric power, we shall drain marshes and swamps, clear infested areas, feed the under nourished and rid our people of parasites and diseases. It is within the possibility of science and technology to make even the Sahara bloom into a vast field with verdant vegetation for agricultural and industrial developments. We shall harness the radio, television, great printing presses to lift people from the dark recesses of illiteracy.
For us it is a simple matter of grasping with certainty our heritage by using the political might of unity. All we need to do is to develop with our united strength the enormous resources of our continent. A united Africa will provide a stable field of foreign investments, which will be encouraged as long as it does not behave inimically to our African interests.
Only a united Africa fundraising under a union government can forcefully mobilise the material and moral resources of our separate countries and apply them efficiently and energetically to bring rapid change in the conditions of our people.’
Nkrumah created a blueprint under the OAU for an united Africa, one that is very reminiscent of what would become the European Union some 50 years later along with the need for an All Africa High Command, a joint African military to be used continent wide again the USA Africom many years later would appear to base many of its tactics on Nkrumahs teachings , he said ‘If we do not approach the problems in Africa with a common front and a common purpose, we shall be haggling and wrangling among ourselves we are colonized again and become the tools of a greater colonialism than we suffered hithrerto.’
We need a common defence system with African High Command to ensure the stability and security of Africa. The first step towards our cohesive economy would be a unified monetary zone, with initial an agreed common party for our currencies. When we find that the arrangement of a fixed common parity is working successfully, there would seem to be no reason for not instituting one common currency and a single bank of issue.’
Amongst Nkrumahs predominant wishes for a united Africa were a common Africa citizenship, a common system of defence, a common market for Africa, an African currency and monetary zone.
On the 25th May 1963 the OAU was signed by Algeria, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Congo, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Libya, Malagasy, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, Chad, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Egypt and Burkina Fasso.
However although Nkrumahs leadership generated a remarkable succession of developments throughout the contininent of Africa and in the diaspora which instigated economic, political and social upliftment for a great deal of Africans, this did not bode well for these whom were determined to see a continent, a nation and its citizens kept from attaining the standards and improvements that Nkrumah had set out for Ghana and the African continent. Amongst Nkrumahs own government there were agents plotting his downfall and that of the CPP government in collusion with western intelligence agencies, particularly the British and Americans, by this stage there had already been six unsuccessful assassination attempts on Nkrumahs life
Nkrumah was in talks with the leaders of Vietnam, who had asked him to come to Hanoi to try and broker peace talks. On the 21st Feb 1966 he was seen off by a small party of chiefs and his officias at Accra airport, amongst them two of his officials Harlley and Deku. In his book ‘Dark Days in ghana’ he described the occasion and the ‘handshakes and expressions of good wishes from Harlley and Deku.’ He goes on to add ‘These men smiling and ingratiating had all the time treason and treachery in their minds. They had even planned my assassination on that day, though later abandoned the idea.’
The coup took place on Wednesday 23rd Feb 1966 with army officials Colonel Kotoka and Major Afrifa playing a pivotal part. Troops were told that Nkrumah had left Ghana for good, taking 8 million pounds and that Ghana was without a government and it was therefore the duty of the army to assume control to maintain law and order. Although it was presumed to be a bloodless coup in fact over 1600 people lost their lives
Major General Barwah, who was the Deputy chief of Defence Staff, was shot dead in front of his wife and children at his house. Practically the entire CPP leadership was arrested in the day which followed the coup. Nkrumahs statue was pulled down outside the parliament building and his books burned.
Nkrumahs wife and children fled to the Egyptian embassy and were flown to Cairo a few days Lter, his mother returned to the village of Nkroful where Nkrumah was born.
After the coup those responsible for the coup set up the National Liberation Council (NLC) with the eight leaders being JA Ankrah, EK Kotoka, AK Ocran, AA Afrifa, JW Harlley, BA Yakubu, JE Nunoo and AK Deku.
The sixth of March is the date which more than any other is associated with name of Kwame Nkrumah and the CPP.
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